Redefining Disenfranchisement (op-ed)
In 2012
the NAACP appeared before the United Nations Human Rights Council to
prove voter identification laws enacted by some U.S. states violated
the human rights of minorities by disenfranchising voters. But Saudi
Arabia sat on the human rights council who didn’t allow women to
vote. I wondered if the Saudis thought the NAACP was redefining
disenfranchisement.
Recently
Alabama state officials announced it was closing thirty-one satellite
driver license offices due to budget cuts. The state officials
closed these specific offices because “the combined effort of the
31 part-time satellite locations … accounted for less than five
percent of all the Alabama driver license transactions.”
This
fiscal decision was criticized by civil rights advocates because in
2011 the state of Alabama required voters to have photo IDs as of
2014. (The state’s reason for the requirement was to prevent voter
fraud and the stated issued free voter ID cards.) And the office
closings took place in rural predominately black areas.
This
prompted one columnist to point out, “According to the Alabama
secretary of state, about 500,000 state residents in 2014 didn’t
have photo IDs (That’s 20 percent of those registered to vote.)
The law disproportionately affects poor people who find it the most
difficult to get a photo ID and, in particular African Americans, who
voted in fewer numbers in 2014 in places where voter ID laws went
into effect.” (This ignores the fact that residents were informed
two years in advance of the requirement and that non-presidential
elections always have low voter turn out rates.)
And
the closing prompted Democratic presidential front runner Hillary
Clinton to proclaim the action of the Republican ran state was “a
blast from the Jim Crow past.”
Really?
In
1871 Georgia started the poll tax; it was made cumulative in 1877
(requiring citizens to pay all back tax before being permitted to
vote). By 1904 every former confederate state had a poll tax. Its
sole purpose was to disenfranchise. No state prosecuted any person
for the failure to pay the poll tax.
In
1890 southern states began literacy test to disenfranchise voters,
40-60% of blacks were illiterate compared to 8-18% of whites.
And
Alabama’s constitution of 1901 contained multiple measures to
disenfranchise, but Jackson Giles, a black janitor, managed to
qualify to vote despite the constitutional restrictions. Giles
brought a suit against Alabama on behalf of himself and 75,000 other
qualified blacks who had been arbitrarily denied the right to
register. But in Giles v. Harris the Supreme Court rejected
Giles’s claim. Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes stated: If the
Alabama constitution violated the fifteenth amendment’s guarantee
against voting discrimination, then it [Alabama’s constitution] is
void and Giles can not be legally registered to vote.
This
was the past Hillary Clinton suggested is comparable to current
budget cuts in Alabama. This also implies that the plight of
Jackson Giles (who had to prove he could read and pay a poll tax) is
synonymous with a person that doesn’t feel like getting a photo ID.
There
seems to be a disparate attempt to redefine disenfranchisement to
mean: Voter inconvenience. The NAACP promoted voter inconvenience at
the United Nations (who has no legal authority in the United States)
to justify the group’s existence in this millennium, and Hillary
Clinton promoted voter inconvenience to prove Jim Crow still exists
and democratic identity politics matters. (Also proving she’s a
twentieth century politician.)
The
governor of Alabama stated, “To suggest the closure of the driver’s
license offices is a racial issue is simply not true, and to suggest
otherwise should be considered an effort to promote a political
agenda.”
After
weeks of criticism the governor decided to leave the facilities open
once a month to serve residents. The governor realized Hillary
Clinton’s statement wasn’t referring to anything in the past. He
interpreted her statement to mean, “Jim Crow now! Jim Crow
tomorrow! Jim Crow forever!”
First published in the New Pittsburgh Courier 10/28/15
First published in the New Pittsburgh Courier 10/28/15
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